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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Feared and despised by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his determination and his pledge to tear down the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that spans Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Led by his uncle Juma, his clan relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, ignored by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, requesting back-pay for his soldiers, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba region, and accepted a role to police the border with Libya.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, beginning a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Recruits trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Ongoing War

When a committee began examining military-owned companies, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against army positions and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in al-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.